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CAWP OCCASIONAL
PAPERS SERIES
* * *CALL FOR PAPERS* * *
Papers
are required for our Occasional Paper Series. Papers should consider
any aspect of the relationship between gender and politics; gender and
democracy and gender and representation relating to any country, region
or case-study, or may be a comparative study. Papers should be 6000-8000
words including references. Papers will be published on this website.
Papers should be submitted for consideration to Victoria Montgomery,
CAWP, 21 University Square, Belfast, BT7 1PA. An electronic copy should
also be sent to cawp@qub.ac.uk
Below are abstracts for the fourteen titles in our occasional papers
series. The full text of each are available in PDF format; Adobe Acrobat
reader is required for this. Alternatively some papers are available
in booklet form from CAWP.
Women
Politicians and Malestream Media: a Game of Two Sides
Karen Ross
Even taking the most generous view of the media's role in the articulation
of a normative social world order which privileges men and male concerns
over those of women - i.e. as mere conduit of social quo politics -
it is nonetheless irresistible to contend that there must be some element
of complicity, some sense of collusion with the circulation of words
and pictures which routinise what it is to be female and male in contemporary
society. And it is precisely the 'packaging' of politics and in this
current context, the 'packaging' of women politicians, which we need
to read more carefully. If news is a commodity and we are all consumers,
then how women politicians are 'sold' to us in qualitative terms is
as important as how often they appear in the news: volume matters but
context matters more. Informed by interviews with eight women MLAs,
this paper argues that women parliamentarians are often rendered invisible
by the media's lack of interest in them but that increasingly, they
are developing proactive strategies with which to engage with news media
on their own terms.
Mainstreaming
: Northern Ireland's Participative-Democratic Approach
Tahnya Barnett Donaghy
In response to calls for a greater understanding of the potential benefits
and problems associated with its application, academics have sought to
further the conceptual understanding of mainstreaming. This article places
the unique Northern Ireland case study of mainstreaming amongst the existing
literature and, through this, develops the understanding of a participative-democratic
model which includes not only considerations of process, but also the
impact of the model's origin on its design. While research in the area
of mainstreaming remains in the development stage, as the process and
approaches adopted continue to be played out in practice, it is becoming
increasingly clear that neither the expert-bureaucratic model nor the
participative-democratic model are sufficient when developed as largely
mutually exclusive approaches. Best practice must incorporate a combination
of each, but as the understandings of the impact of origin are showing,
it appears that it is only likely this will be achieved when there is
both a strong advocacy from equality groups within the community and a
strong movement within the bureaucracy for equality developments, and
both of these movements are given equal consideration by the decision
makers in government.
Women
Legislators in Northern Ireland: Gender and Politics in the New Legislative
Assembly
Kimberly Cowell-Meyers
Using data drawn from interviews with 27 Members of the Legislative Assembly
(MLAs) in Northern Ireland in 2001, Kimberly Cowell-Meyers' study analyses
the role of women in the new Assembly by comparing the women to their
male colleagues in their attitudes towards representation, the issues
that concern them, and their perception of the role of women in society.
Despite evidence from other settings that men and women typically differ
in their orientation towards and understanding of politics, and their
style and interests in politics, this study concludes that the male and
female MLAs actually do not differ very significantly in their interests
and concerns or in their styles of public representation. These findings
may be explained by the absence of a critical mass of women in the Assembly
and by the specifics of this particular political transition.
The
Politics of Prostitution: The Women's Movement, State Feminism and Parliamentary
Debates in Post-Authoritarian Spain
Celia Valiente
Since the mid-1960s, policy relating to prostitution in Spain was broadly
abolitionist, ie prostitution was not defined as a crime, but behaviours
related to prostitution, such as promoting the prostitution of others
or benefiting from it were considered crimes. However, since 1995, the
central state has decriminalised most behaviours related to prostitution
and prostitution policy has increasingly focused on the fight against
trafficking women with the purpose of sexually exploiting them. This paper
documents the modest role played by the women's movement and gender-equality
institutions in the parliamentary debates that preceded the making of
the main pieces of legislation on prostitution in post-authoritarian Spain.
Two reasons seem to explain this weak intervention of the movement and
gender equality institutions: the low priority given to prostitution by
both actors; and the poor permeability of Parliament to influences by
external agents.
From
Government to Governance, Civic Participation and 'New Politics': the
Context of Potential Opportunities for the Better Representation of Women
Elizabeth
Meehan
The symbolic
and substantive representation of women has become increasingly central
to justifications in the UK for its modernization and devolution programmes.
In the case of devolution, there is a significant difference between demands
for reform in the 1990s compared to those in the 1970s. These changes,
in particular the emergence of 'governance' rather than 'government' as
the guiding principle for constitutional reform, have had a substantial
impact on the effectiveness of institutions and policy-making, as well
as women's roles within those processes. This paper is not about the desirability
or feasibility of specific UK reforms; rather, it is about the wider context
from which those reforms have emerged. Beginning with governance, the
paper turns to civil society and social capital, looking at both wider
contexts and specific UK manifestations. Finally, the paper concludes
with a preliminary indication of how the seeds of egalitarianism, participation,
and inclusiveness have been sown in the constitutional settlements of
Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Wales.
How
Can Women MPs Make a Difference?: Reconsidering Group Representation and
the Responsible Party Model
Helena Catt
Calls for group representation are at odds with the trditional views on
representation and election that underpin democratic government as presently
practised and understood. This stand-off is not only a problem of institutional
design but also a wider one of democratic theory, both of which have important
bases in political practice. So this discussion crosses between theoretical
and practical accounts of democracy. This paper consider the proposition
that women MPs cannot both have an impact and be accountable to voters,
with the intent of clarifying the problems and suggesting practical and
theoretical answers to some of them. It sketches the background on representation
theory, a politics of presence and group rights, then examines aspeccts
of the perceived problems and possible solutions. It ends with the conclusion
that women Mps can make a difference without losing their accountability
through political parties.
Women
and Constitutional Change in Wales
Paul Chaney
Research examining the pre-devolution mode of governance in Wales concluded
that it was male-dominated, exclusive, centralizing and anti-democratic.
The chronnic and long-standing under-representation of women in Welsh
politics before and during the period of administrative devolution (1964-1999)
served to undermine both the accountability and legitimacy of the prevailing
mode of governance. Recent constitutional change has begun a process of
rapid change: building on increased opportunities for women provided by
the Assembly's unique and innovative statutory equality duty, a combination
of factors has resulted in a transformation of the role of women in 'devolved'
Welsh politics and the emergence of a new equality agenda. This paper
examines how women entered political debates and influenced the processes
of constitutional change. It addresses the impact that the post-1999 structures,
institutions and practices have had on women and women's roles, and what
lesson can be - and are being - drawn from this experience.
From Women's Rights to Gender
Mainstreaming: an Examination of International Gender Norms in the Republic
of Ireland
Gemma Carney
This paper argues that the introduction of 'gender mainstreaming' in the
Republic of Ireland represents a concrete step in the implementation of
international gender equality norms through national and supranational
institutions. Political and institutional support for gender mainstreaming
is unprecedented for any equality policy. Why governments decided to promote
and develop strategies such as gender mainstreaming and the implications
of that decision for Irish gender policy are the main questions posed
by this paper. 'There's no explanation for why its proliferated the way
it has. There's a lot of theories but there's nothing convincing' (AI,
2002). There are also arguments that governments only adopt gender mainstreaming
as part of an image making exercise, with little or no resources assigned
for the implementation of the policy. Is this the case in the Republic
of Ireland?
This paper presents some of the findings of doctoral research questioning
the introduction and implementation of gender mainstreaming in the Republic
of Ireland.
What can the South African transition
tell us about gender and democratization?
Georgina Waylen
Few transitions to democracy have been seen as successful in gender terms.
South Africa is an exception. This has been attributed to a broad umbrella
group, the Women's National Coalition (WNC) that organized to influence
the transition between 1990 and 1994. However, more factors, in addition
to women's movements, must be incorporated into the analysis.
This paper will explore the conditions that enabled this women's coalition
to achieve a number of its aims and will thereby increase our understanding
of the complex interaction of different factors that help to determine
how far women's organizing is effective during transitions to democracy.
Gender Imbalance in Representative
Democracy: Women and Local Government in London & Birmingham 1918
- 2003
Paul Lambe, Colin Rallings, Michael Thrasher & Laurence Ware
Women remain under-represented in virtually all democratic institutions
in the UK. Although the representation of women at the local government
level has improved in recent decades, only slightly more than 25% of councillors
are women and approximatley 22% of council cabinet positions held by women.
These proportions vary between different types of authority and between
the same types of authority. (Borisyuk and Thrasher 2003: 1) The aim of
this paper is to throw some light on why the proportions of women candidates
and councillors should vary both temporally and spatially.
Who's the Boss?: The
"Girl Power" Frame in New Zealand Newspapers
Susan Fountaine
This paper draws on the work of Entman (1993) to explore how the New Zealand
media, through selecting and making salient particular aspects of women's
political experience, construct a 'girl power' frame. Using newspaper
articles covering the election of Margaret Wilson as parliamentary speaker
in March 2005, the paper shows how this framing simultaneously draws attention
to the apparent successes of female political power and encourages a negative
response through reference to male insecurity, political correctness,
and takeovers. Further, the paper also suggests that this framing is implicit
in other stories with a gender dimension, leading to the conclusion that
the 'girl power' frame, while seemingly positive about women's achievements,
is also suggestive of a backlash against women, and may ultimately hinder
women's progress and harm the terrain of gender relations in New Zealand.
Gender and Executive
Activism: Will the United States Elect a Female President in 2008?
Paula A Monopoli
The United States finally passed and ratified the Nineteenth Amendment
in 1920, making women full citizens. However, the promise of that Amendment
has not yet been fulfilled, if one interprets it as promising more than
simply the right to vote, but rather a full panoply of political rights,
the right to stand for office and the right to equality of representation
in the American political system. Unlike the Fourteenth and the Fifteenth
Amendments which have been interpreted far more expansively in terms of
race and voting rights, the Nineteenth has remained unextended and unexplored.
As a result, women still lag behind and the United States is still a monosexual
democracy in many ways. This paper then explores the question of whether
there is any room for women in the American political system.
Women's Civil and Political Citizenship
in the Post-Good Friday Agreement Period in Northern Ireland
Katherine Side
This paper examines
women's civil and political citizenship rights in the post-Good Friday
Agreement period in Northern Ireland. It argues that while The Good Friday
Agreement offered an initial potential to expand these rights, these rights
have not yet been realised. Three possible explanations for this situation
are examined including: the slow pace of equality and gender mainstreaming,
reluctance on the part of political parties to take up available (United
Kingdom) legislation to advance women's candidature for political office
and the limits of a rights based discourse in Northern Ireland. Some possibilities
for working beyond the Good Friday Agreement to advance women's civil
and political citizenship rights in Northern Ireland are proposed and
considered.
A Transient Transition: The
Cultural and Institutional Obstacles Impeding the Northern Ireland Women's
Coalition in its Progression from Informal to Formal Politics'
This paper authored by Cera Murtagh was previously part of our Occasional
Paper Series. However, it has now been published in Irish Political Studies,
Vol.23 (1), February 2008. To view the abstract and full bibliographical
reference please click on the title.
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