Articles
ARTICLES 1 to 12 provide a background view of some issues during the negotiations and Articles 14 to 24 provide a view on issues impacting on the then working of the Stormont Assembly. The remainder reflect a commentary on developing political issues.
A1. Solutions lie with basic rights
(Belfast Telegraph - 19th September 1996)
International Human Rights law provides the basis for progress and should be a key focus in any negotiations. In the context of a wider Europe, our problem is not unique.
A2. Towards greater accountability
(Belfast Telegraph (Business Section) - 18 March 1997)
Political stability and greater accountability is required. Additional to any positive outcome of the negotiations, there should be a better and structured relationship with Westminster
A3. Europe, not South Africa, must guide Labour’s thinking
(News Letter - 4 June 1997)
At the heart of international law, regarding accommodating different groups within a state, is that it must be done within the limits of existing borders. There are many examples.
A4. Responsibilities and challenges facing ‘positive unionism’
(News Letter - 5 June 1997)
Unionism faces formidable challenges to compromise on fundamental principles of international law. Yet, we urge the UK Government to ratify the Council of Europe’s model.
A5. Nationalism stumbling block to ending tensions
(News Letter - 6 November 1997)
The SDLP advocates following the lessons learnt from Europe. But, that is a distortion of reality and displays a strident nationalism that has been rejected by European democracies.
(News Letter - 15 December 1997)
The UK Government is not abiding by its international human rights commitments regarding Northern Ireland. Unionism is being asked to accept what no other region has been asked.
A7. Solution must be based on reality
(News Letter - 8 January 1998)
Unionism articulates the reality of how to make progress. It is positive and based on principles applied elsewhere with similar problems. But, the SDLP wishes to go beyond these principles.
A8. Central problem is wrestling with national identities
(Belfast Telegraph - 15 January 1998)
The European Union (EU) is considering new countries for membership, some with problems similar to ours. The EU expects current borders to be respected. Unionism asks for no more.
A9. Minority protection pact ‘will help us’
(News Letter - 20 January 1998)
The UK, has ratified the Council of Europe’s model that encourages the development of real equality within a state. A potentially significant development, that all should accept.
A10. Unionists wish for rights accepted world-wide
(The Irish Times - 26 January 1998)
Unionism wishes to see full co-operation within the British/Irish Isles. However, nationalism (North & South) seek aspects of joint authority. Yet, this is against international principles.
A11. The problem is about conflicting identities
(The Irish Times - 16 February 1998)
While the problem relates to identity, the European model is not about encouraging a State’s region to be incorporated into a neighbouring State, but rather co-operation among States.
A12. European avenue can protect unionist rights
(News Letter - 27 February 1998)
Nationalist and Government’s view is that there will be no stability, unless political expression is given to all-island relationships. But, their ‘New-Ireland’ is beyond the European model.
A13. Welcome return for democracy
(News Letter - 5 May 1998)
The Agreement reflects reality: a secure border, recognition by Ireland that Northern Ireland is part of the UK; and, a government in NI for all its citizens. To say ‘No’ is to learn nothing.
A14. Arms issue at the very heart of democracy
(News Letter - 20 May 1999)
A letter to the Prime Minister: you recognise human rights in your foreign policy, and should thus recognise such rights within the UK. There is no place for ambiguity towards violence.
A15. Mafia state is not what society needs
(Belfast Telegraph - 18 June 1999)
Progress is possible but must be based on international standards of democracy, and if so the present impasse can be overcome. These standards are not in accord with private armies.
A16. Republicans must show their democratic intent
(The Irish News - 28 June 1999)
Unionism shares the eagerness of the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach to make progress on devolution in Northern Ireland. But, violence and its threat must be given up for good.
A17. Keep up pressure on paramilitaries
(The Independent - 28 June 1999)
The UUP is committed to strong coalition government among parties from both traditions, but, there is a need for decommissioning. This goes to the very heart of democratic values.
A18. UUP is committed to inclusive process
(The Irish News - 26 July 1999)
Progress is possible, but only if in a balanced manner. In order to protect democracy from the threat of violence the UUP could not participate in the formation of an Executive in July.
A19. Daunting gap still separates unionists and nationalists
(The Irish Times - 11 August 1999)
Former Taoiseach, Dr Garrett Fitzgerald, in an article showed a tendency to go easy on Sinn Fein/IRA, while mostly criticising unionism. He undermines confidence in making progress.
(Belfast Telegraph - 19 August 1999)
Dr Fitzgerald has stated how difficult he sees the task facing unionists. He viewed no politician should enter a government without IRA decommissioning. We await progress.
A21. No peace with private armies
(Sunday Life - 20 February 2000)
The Belfast Agreement offers a fully inclusive government and in return an end to politically motivated violence. Unionism was flexible, but no success and the Executive was suspended.
(Belfast Telegraph - 6 April 2000)
We require consideration of each other’s perspective. I believe the UUP has demonstrated the necessary principles for inclusivity. I ask others to consider the unionist perspective.
(Belfast Telegraph - 3 December 2001)
Dr Reid believes we have much to learn from devolution elsewhere in the UK. He confused cultural identity with the constitutional position, a position not seen elsewhere in Europe.
(Belfast Telegraph - 31 January 2002)
Dr Reid indicates we should look at rights from a British viewpoint. The UUP has supported full rights for all. He stirs up moderate Unionism’s opposition and thus he needs to think again.
A25. Where do we go from here?
(Belfast Telegraph - 1 February 2005)
The Prime Minister has a responsibility to ensure democracy and rights are honoured. One cannot fudge between democracy and terrorism. The task is difficult, but the solution is clear.
A26. Sinn Fein MPs must not be allowed to speak in Dail
(The Irish Times - 9 September 2005)
I wish for harmonious working relations within this island on the basis of agreed international norms. Granting speaking rights to Sinn Fein breaches international obligations. It is clear.
A27. ‘Time to respect the majority too’
(News Letter - 18 September 2006)
The UK Government seems willing to disregard the settlement terms of the Belfast Agreement in order to placate Sinn Fein. It cannot disregard its agreed commitments.
A28. Open Letter to the Secretary of State
(Belfast Telegraph - 25 September 2006)
You seem to lack a clear moral and political compass since you do not follow democratic standards. Is it unionism that will cause Northern Ireland to become a political failure?
(agendaNi - April 2011)
Northern Ireland has particular circumstances that need to be overcome. Good government requires a strategy and a willingness to make decisions if it is to have the public’s confidence.
A30. Learning lessons from Europe's crises could get Northern Ireland parties agreeing
(Belfast Telegraph - 10 Mach 2017)
Irish identity is not at various with Northern Ireland being part of the UK. All must respect international principles that balances majority/minority rights with State borders respected.
A31. Rights/Identity/International Law - Contribution to a Stable Society
(Belfast Telegraph (web page) - 8 September 2019)
A 9-page review of issues needed to secure a stable society. If all subscribed to these international standards, it would secure a balanced agreement and a path to stability.
(Belfast Telegraph - 9 September 2019)
There was much said about restoring the Stormont Assembly. Yet a model for restoration already exists, born out of the historical European conflict. But nobody seems interested.
(Belfast Telegraph - 19 December 2019)
Sinn Fein supports strongly the GFA. But, only selectively: it doesn’t respect Northern Ireland’s legitimacy. It demands respect, but - unlike others in the UK - doesn’t reciprocate.
A34. Shame on the two governments for their bias towards Sinn Fein
(News Letter - 31 December 2019)
Both Governments ignore Sinn Fein’s refusal to recognise the legitimacy of Northern Ireland. Yet, given the stalemate, challenge the DUP for a lack of progress. Where is your balance?
A35. Only commentators and unionist leaders can provide the relevant debate
(News Letter - 14 August 2020)
Over the years I have articulated a coherent positive policy, based on the principles of international law. It is essential that political leaders consider these guiding principles.
(News Letter - 18 September 2020)
There has been a chorus of criticism regarding the UK Government breaking international law, due to its Protocol reaction. Yet, the Protocol itself breaches fundamentally such law.
(News Letter - 17 February 2021)
The EU doesn’t adhere to the fundamental principles of international law when considering Northern Ireland. Why have unionism’s leaders not referred to the importance of such laws?
A38. UK, EU and Irish double standards on rights have helped cause stalemate
(News Letter - 24 April 2023)
Key Government players in the present stalemate regarding Stormont’s suspension, while advocating in principle adherence to international human rights law do not practice it regarding Northern Ireland.